fbpx

We are the OEA

Leading the Way for Children and Public Education

Public Education Matters icon

Support Public Education by Voting Out ALEC

Support Public Education by Voting Out ALEC

American journalist Walter Lippmann once said, “Successful politicians are insecure and intimidated men. They advance politically only as they placate, appease, bribe, seduce, bamboozle or otherwise manage to manipulate elements in their constituencies.”

Most people’s viewpoints aren’t quite as cynical as Mr. Lippmann’s, but the simple truth is that some politicians do try to manipulate their constituents into agreeing with their initiatives by first stirring discontent. Satisfied people cannot be seduced, so to build a case for any crusade, these lawmakers try to create a need for the measure by cutting sources of funding. Such is the case with Ohio’s current state government.

remember-sb5Three years ago, Ohio’s Republican governor and the GOP-controlled legislature used the state budget to drastically cut public funding to local governments, which they hoped would create a need for the “tools” provided in Senate Bill 5. Although Ohio voters overwhelmingly rejected the SB 5 tools in a referendum, those budget cuts created a significant loss of local facilities, services, and jobs, and elements in SB 5 have been introduced piecemeal ever since as cost-cutting measures in communities throughout Ohio.

Deep cuts to Ohio public schools, as well as a plethora of unfunded mandates, have helped convince Ohio citizens that there’s a real need for the dramatic expansion of charter schools in the state. Unfortunately, Ohio charter school expansion is a non-transparent movement that has not been held accountable for its use of public tax dollars. Ohio Department of Education data shows that the state’s public schools lost more than $870 million in state funding to charter schools in fiscal year 2014, amid ongoing reports of theft, misappropriation of funds, overpayment to vendors, nepotism in the employment of family members, and excessively high administrative salaries in many charter schools.

The great majority of charter schools are managed by for-profit companies that donate lots of money to political campaigns. Could that be the reason charter schools are exempt from 270 provisions of Ohio Revised Code?

ALEC-underfunded-schoolsThere’s no requirement in state law that directs Ohio charter schools to disclose how much money is spent marketing commercials seen on prime-time television. State law doesn’t warrant that tangible property purchased with public funds remains public property when a charter school closes. There’s no requirement that board members of these schools represent parents — unelected boards are filled by the company that operates them or by friends and relatives of the school developer. Are the board members accountable to taxpayers or the corporate interests that put them there? For that matter, are our elected officials, who are supposed to monitor and regulate publicly-funded and privately-operated charter schools, accountable to taxpayers or the corporate interests that put them there?

Most of Ohio’s Republican legislators belong to a powerful organization of lawmakers and corporations, the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC.) In 2011, the Center for Media and Democracy (CMD) revealed the powerful control of the corporate-backed American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) over the legislative process in many states in the US. It published a report showing over 800 business-friendly bills that were created, endorsed, and secretly voted on by corporations and Republican lawmakers. People for the American Way, Progress Ohio, and Common Cause documented the hold that ALEC has on the legislative process in Ohio and divulged the fact that 43% of its legislators belong to this corporate bill mill.

alec

ALEC strongly supports school privatization through charter schools and vouchers. According to Bill Phillis, of the Ohio Education and Adequacy Coalition: [quote]ALEC is a champion of charter schools and voucher legislation, and thus is geared toward starving the public common school. One of the missions of ALEC is to replace the public common school system with private market-driven education thrift stores. Some Ohio legislators will press forward the concept of a voucher for every student.[/quote] Ohioans can support their public schools by voting for candidates who are champions of public education. Voters must exercise their power at the polls to push back against ALEC legislators who placate, appease, bribe, seduce, bamboozle or otherwise manage to manipulate elements in their constituencies to further ALEC’s privatization agenda. This is an important election where voters can and will “create a need” for Governor John Kasich and his ALEC allies to find jobs outside of the political arena.

Visit action.ohea.org to learn more about OEA’s 2014 Campaign and how you can help to elect pro-public education leaders in this election.

By Jeanne Melvin, OEA-Retired

Categories

Charter Schools
General

Charter Ghost Schools: Money for Nothing

PerfectAttendanceIn fourth grade, I was healthy enough to receive a “Perfect Attendance” certificate, and for me it was a badge of honor. Unfortunately, many private charter school operators don’t seem to care that much about perfect attendance, or the honor associated with it. Attendance fraud for charter schools is a national problem and has been going on for years.

Crackdowns on charter school operators who collect big bucks for students that don’t show up for classes are few and far between. One charter school operator in Philadelphia, Curtis Andrews, was charged with wire fraud for taking $200,000 for students who no longer attended. Eventually he was convicted, received 33 months in prison and had to return the money.

But these cases are the exceptions. In another, more sensational case, an operator from Texas, Donald L. Jones, received $2.9 million for absent students. Yet despite having been convicted of conspiracy to commit wire fraud, bank fraud, and other offenses related to a mortgage fraud scheme involving forty properties and more than seventy loans, he has never been charged in connection with his charter school activities.

Recent investigations have found that among charter schools nationwide, few operators are charged with anything when they are caught receiving funds for imaginary attendance numbers, and they simply have to return the cash. All too often, the taxpayers are left footing the bill. For example, the state of Florida doled out $25 million to for-profit charter schools during the 2006-2007 school year for nearly 5,125 students who never attended school.

And then there is Ohio. Ohio has some of the worst attendance records for its charter “dropout recovery schools” in the nation. In the 2006-2007 school year, reporters for the Scripps Howard News Service, found that Ohio paid $29.9 million to 47 of these recovery schools for students who never attended. A Life Skills Center campus in Cincinnati held the record in the 2004-2005 school year, where 64% of its enrolled students never showed up for class. The dropout recovery movement, an Ohio concept started in 1998, costs the state around $30 million or more a year for students who never attend school. “It’s a cash cow! We all used to sit around and joke about that,” said Mark Elliott, former principal of the record holding Life Skills Center of Cincinnati. “I spent less than $1 million on a $3 million operation. What the hell are they (executives at his former company) doing with the other $2 million?”

ghost-schools-blog

Yet, has anyone been charged with anything in Ohio? The Beacon Journal has questioned David Brennan, operator and founder of the for-profit Life Skills Center dropout recovery schools, as to how he can have more students enrolled in his schools than they can physically hold. The company has stated that due to high rates of absenteeism, they can enroll far more students than is normally possible, and receive payment for every student, even those that never return. The ODE has claimed that they check charters for their accuracy on attendance records, but many former employees said that they were often sent to a student’s home to get an excuse from a parent and any excuse would do. At the end of another 105 hours of absenteeism, which was the time that a student would no longer be enrolled, they would be sent again to get another excuse. I find it outrageous that our lawmakers in Columbus allow this to go on.

Diane Ravitch, education historian and educational policy analyst, refers to these charters as ghost schools, and recently wrote, “27 management companies operate charter schools in Ohio. Of those 27, 19 are for-profit companies. Of the 19 for-profit companies, half of them are out-of-state corporations; hence, they take a Brink’s truckload of school district money out of Ohio in the form of profits each year.”  Charter schools, in Ohio, need to be paid for students who actually attend these schools, not for the enrollment of mere names as the law currently permits.

Even though many state legislators act as if these ghost schools are just part of someone’s overactive imagination, they have come to haunt us, and will continue to do so unless someone steps up to the plate. Any ghost busters out there?

By Susan Ridgeway, Wooster Education Association

Categories

Charter Schools
General

How charter schools betray their students and communities

Time and time again, too many charter schools have failed our students. While the teachers in charter schools are passionate about education, their employers betray them and their students with constant administrative changes, a lack of support, and unethical practices that make the schools a disgrace.

After completing my Master’s, I was offered $26,000 to teach seventh and eighth grade social studies. Because there weren’t too many opportunities to even submit my resume that summer, I accepted the job and began planning the day I was hired, despite the many difficulties that lay ahead.

To begin with, no teacher in the building had any kind of curricular support. The principal told us to look online for copies of the state standards that were in effect at the time and then print copies for classroom decorations. Teachers had no textbooks and no reference material, not even classroom sets of books. I bought my own textbooks and then cut-and-pasted copies for students. Later in the year when a new administrator decided that teachers with 100 students would be limited to 25 copies per day, many of my teaching plans went out the window.

The school environment bordered on hazardous. The building was a former Catholic elementary school that had been vacant for some time. Because of mold problems, part of the school was closed off. Some of the classes that were used still had mold, as did the cafeteria. There were exposed wires in the hallways, torn carpets on the floors, uncovered electrical outlets in the classrooms, and even a bee’s nest in a boy’s bathroom that was never removed.

Less than a month after school started, four teachers were fired because the school’s enrollment was not as high as the school administration projected. Seventh graders were put in classes with eighth graders and taught different curriculum at the same time. It was not an ideal situation for the students but the teachers charged ahead.

The school was part of a multi-state chain based out of Chicago. Administrators throughout were all Turkish immigrants. Several teachers were also Turkish. While I understood the administrators and fellow teachers with ease given my background in teaching international students while in college, parents and students frequently complained that they were unintelligible. Only one of the administrators that I met during my time had actually studied in the United States and he was attending an online university. At first, our school had three administrators: a principal, a Director of Enrollment, and a Dean of Students. The latter two were rarely seen.

When the four teachers were fired, the charter school operator decided to simply switch our dean of students with the dean of students from the Columbus school. In December, the same thing happened to the principal. In March, it happened again with the principal position. Thus, during a few short months in the year, we had five different administrators for two positions.

During “count week,” children were given free meals, candy, and bus passes as an incentive to have them in school. This may have been great for the students, but they were otherwise treated very poorly by the various administrators who came and went. Administrators applied rules whimsically, both with regarding to student behavior and student achievement. When a particularly vociferous parent complained to one of the principals that their child’s grades were too low, the principal simply changed the child’s grades electronically, causing consternation among the other students and the staff.

I set up the school library with donated books. I made a dozen house visits. I arrived at school at 5:30 every morning and left at 4:30 in the afternoon. I received the best possible scores on my evaluations. I took students on field trips with money out of my own pocket.

When it came time for OATs, as they were called then, testing was a disaster. Several Turkish men arrived and pulled “at risk” students from their classrooms, taking them to the moldy rooms in small groups, despite the lack of written documentation allowing accommodations. The week after testing, I went to school on a Saturday morning in order to keep ahead of my planning, and I saw a dozen Turkish men sitting in a classroom with stacks of OATs on their desks. The current principal brought a cup of tea and a plate of cookies to me while I worked alone in my classroom. He said that the men were simply darkening in the answers for students who wrote too lightly.

The director of enrollment was rarely around because he was based in Columbus. He was also responsible for payroll. Sometime in April, several teachers realized that although money was being taken from our paychecks, money was not being paid to the insurance company or to the State Teachers Retirement System. The insurance company told me that my plan had been cancelled. When I inquired to the principal about the problem, I never received a response. I wrote e-mails to the members of the Board of Directors as listed on our school’s slick website; however, all but one of the e-mails bounced back. One person wrote back saying that they had worked with the school’s franchise in another city, but had resigned several years earlier on disagreeable terms.

That week, I was supposed to receive an evaluation from the principal at the time, despite having been evaluated with exemplary remarks by several other administrators, both based in Dayton and based in Chicago. When I politely asked the current principal why he missed my evaluation, he rescheduled it for the following week. The next day, he told me and three other teachers that we would not be hired for the next year. He gave no reason, although he told me that I was one of the hardest workers and best teachers he had ever seen. I inquired again about the money missing from my check and asked again why I was not being renewed. A week later, I was told not to return to school the following day.

Of the twelve teachers that started at the beginning of the year, only four remained at the end of the year, two of them were from Turkey. The other two were fired over the summer, one of the Turkish teachers was transferred to Columbus, and the other quit, telling me he wanted to complete his Bachelor’s degree in the United States. Thus, there was a 100% employee turnover within less than a year.

Perhaps the biggest problem with the charter school was that it encouraged students to swap in and out of other schools. If a student had bad grades or difficult behavior, they were literally asked to transfer to another charter school. The parents were brought in and told that their child would be expelled unless they transferred to another school. This is an endemic problem not just at the school where I taught, but at all the charter schools in the area. Children came and went, much like the administrators. By the end of my tenure, I knew several students who had been to three different schools in one year. The revolving door system meant that there was little consistency for students. Add to that the revolving door of administrators and employee turnover, and there was no consistency. This problem is disastrous for education, although it is rarely discussed and this small paragraph does not do the subject justice. The system, however, is advantageous to charter schools who are then allowed to manipulate their data more easily.

While teachers took responsibility for their students, the administrators saw them as numbers and problems. Parents often simply removed their children from school because of the administrative problems, electing to send their children back to public schools. Despite all my efforts, I can’t say that I blame the parents. They are lured with promises of science education, glossy brochures, and websites with polished clip art.

I loved being in the classroom at the charter school. I loved the students and the parents. Unfortunately, environmental problems, rotating administrators, unethical behavior on the part of the charter school and its sponsor, student manipulation, a complete and total lack of curricular support, and terrible employee relations made school difficult for students, parents, and teachers. This situation is regrettably found in too many charter schools.

By Matt Blair, Springboro Education Association

Categories

Charter Schools
General

Kasich's new budget is more of the same

Two years ago, Governor Kasich introduced a budget that drastically cut funding for schools, overburdened the middle class, and added terrible education policy. Unfortunately, the Governor’s newest biennium budget proposal is basically more of the same.

Two years ago, the Governor claimed there were huge budget shortfalls that he had to fix. Now, he can’t claim that, but he can still continue to push a budget that provides no relief to the middle class, and weakens public schools. Somehow, though, there’s plenty of money to expand the voucher system.

It’s disgraceful.

What makes it worse is that the Governor plans to raise revenues on the backs of low and middle class families, while giving the wealthiest Ohioans get a 20% tax cut. He’s selling this as a fair plan that will grow business and help all Ohioans.

Governor Kasich’s budget is another tool to increase the space between the haves and the have-nots.

He considers the sales tax increase “fair” because people will pay it on the goods and services they purchase. However, countless sources consider sales tax “regressive,” because it places more of a burden on middle and lower class individuals than on the wealthy. With an income tax, the first several thousand a person earns aren’t taxed, but a sales tax is collected on every dollar you spend. Also, wealthy people spend a smaller percentage of their money on goods and services than lower class individuals do, according to economics professor Mike Moffatt.

Statistics from Policy Matters Ohio show that Kasich’s proposal would translate into an average cut in taxes of $10,369 for the top 1%, a $1524 cut for the next 4%, and a $63 increase for the lowest 20%.

Unbelievable …

The pain low and middle class families will feel from Kasich’s budget proposal won’t stop with the tax plan. The Governor’s school funding plans are also grossly inadequate, and will be harmful to Ohio’s children. Since the Governor took office, he has slashed funding for public school, while increasing money for charters and placing unrealistic expectations and counterproductive mandates on principals, teachers and students.

For two years, schools have scrambled to cut costs while continuing to provide quality education to all students. For two years, school districts have been forced to plead with the public to pass more levies to counter the Governor’s budget.

These policies have hurt schools, and the Governor’s new proposal is more of the same. In fact, Governor Kasich has addressed the funding issues, saying his new budget was not meant to determine what it would cost to adequately pay for education, just what would be an equal level of funding.

“Ohio Public Schools – Equally Inadequate no matter where you live” does not sound like a slogan that anyone wants to embrace, yet that’s the slogan that fits the Governor’s school funding policy.

Put additional tax burdens on lower and middle class families.

Cut taxes for the wealthiest Ohioans.

Underfund public schools.

Increase spending and vouchers to unproven, under-performing charters.

These are disheartening statements to consider, knowing that the Governor’s budget proposal is an injustice to hard-working Ohioans and their families.

By Dab Greenberg, Sylvania Education Association

 

Categories

Budget
Charter Schools
General

The Puppet Masters

The education community is getting bombarded with new acronyms all the time: OTES, SLO, SGM, etc. Figuring out what they stand for is difficult. Figuring out their impact on public education in the short and long term is nearly impossible.

However, they are probably missing one very important acronym from their lexicon, one that represents the most influential corporate-funded political force operating in America today, one that has worked to dilute collective bargaining rights and privatize public education. ALEC.

ALEC, which stands for American Legislative Exchange Council, is a conservative organization that develops policies and language that can be used as part of legislation by multiple states across the country.

That probably doesn’t clarify much of anything.

In more concrete terms, ALEC creates legislation for elected officials to introduce in their states as their own brainchildren. ALEC is comprised of legislators and corporate leaders and has been operating in the shadows for about 40 years. They don’t solely focus on public education either. ALEC was the group behind the controversial “Stand your Ground” legislation in Florida, which was at the center of the Trayvon Martin shooting case.

In the documentary “United States of ALEC,” Bill Moyers calls the group “an organization hiding in plain sight, yet one of the most influential and powerful in American politics.”

Moyers’ comment about ALEC is absolutely on point. ALEC is more or less unknown in teacher circles. Teachers, who are focused on their students, generally don’t dabble in the political realm. They have not been interested in knowing or getting to know ALEC, at least until recently.

After the 2010 election — with the assaults to collective bargaining rights, the expansion of voucher programs and education reforms that emphasized testing and “accountability” — teachers in the Midwest got to know ALEC the hard way, though they still probably couldn’t identify it by name.

Think back to those bills that were signed into law in Wisconsin, Indiana and Ohio in early 2011. Ask yourself, how was it that different state legislatures came up with virtually identical anti-labor bills at the same time? The answer: ALEC. The group crafted the language and legislators waited for the most opportune time to introduce it. In Ohio they found it following the 2010 elections when Republicans took control of the Governor’s office and the legislature.

ALEC’s strategy is like the kid’s game of whack a mole. If they were to put out one piece of legislation at a time, education groups and organized labor could easily defeat each one in succession. Instead they toss out a slew of legislation all at once, so there isn’t enough time or resources to educate and mobilize the public. There is no way to effectively beat back all the reforms.

In “How Online Learning Companies Bought America’s Schools“ Lee Fang summed up ALEC’s strategy: “spread the unions thin ‘by playing offense’ with decoy legislation.” Spreading the unions thin has resulted in radical changes to classroom teachers’ everyday lives — changes that were made without the input of local school boards or educators.

As states have expanded voucher systems, schools have had to drastically reduced funding. These programs take money away from traditional public schools and give it to unaccountable and very often less effective private and charter schools. This means larger class sizes for us, less extra help for students and fewer electives.

They have also increased standardized testing, bringing with it the stress that goes along with constantly prepping students for high stakes tests. It’s frustrating because we all know that these tests are not a true indication of students’ progress and understanding. And now teachers are also experiencing the stress of state-mandated teacher evaluations.

These ALEC-induced policy changes have devastated teacher morale and driven many to retirement.

It’s astonishing how much impact one group can have without 95% of the public even knowing it exists.

 

By Dan Greenberg, Sylvania Education Association

Categories

Charter Schools
Collective Bargaining
General
Legislative Issues
Miscellaneous
Testing

Radical Rhee and the so-called education "reform" movement

The trend of blaming teachers for the problems in education probably won’t fall out of favor any time soon. Last week, School Choice Week, so-called education “reformers” did their best to scapegoat teachers instead of acknowledging the real systemic problems — such as school funding and poverty — that lead to poor performance and problems in education. Self proclaimed “reformer” Michelle Rhee, former Chancellor of the D.C. schools and founder of the political lobbying organization StudentsFirst, has said, “We will no longer describe failure as the result of vast impersonal forces like poverty or a broken bureaucracy.” For Rhee, and other so-called reformers, well-established facts confirming the correlation between poverty and the achievement gap don’t matter.

Neither do policies that work, like having smaller class sizes, increasing pre-kindergarten programs, and hiring more school psychologists and school librarians. But these reformers, with limited to no experience or training in the education field, refuse to listen to the experts, classroom teachers. Again, Rhee is a perfect example. “If there is one thing I have learned over the last 15 months, it’s that cooperation, collaboration and consensus-building are way overrated,” Rhee said. If she’s not interested in input from educators, where do her ideas for education reform come from?

Rhee never studied education. She majored in government after attending an elite private high school. Her preparation for classroom teaching consisted of a five-week stint with Teach for America (TFA) after which she was placed as an elementary school teacher in Baltimore, Maryland, where she was known for not having much control of her students. After three years, she left the classroom — 80% of TFA teachers do — and she started The New Teachers Project (TNTP), which acts as a teacher training and placement program for poor, inner-city school districts.

Rhee’s organizations, like most in the “reform” movement, are revenue-generating nonprofits and their services don’t come cheap. TNTP charged the Oakland Unified School District $807,446 from 2006-2008. Fortunately, not everyone is so entranced by her spiel. In 2011, John C Liu, New York City Comptroller, denied a five-year contract to the TNTP for $21 million He remarked, “Twenty million dollars to recruit teachers, as the Department of Education insists on laying off thousands of teachers, seems curious at best.”

In 2007, without having any experience as a principal or superintendent, Rhee was recommended to head D.C. public schools in 2007 by her friend and TNTP client, former New York public schools Chancellor Joel Klein. Frontline’s documentary, The Education of Michelle Rhee examines problems Rhee had as Chancellor of the D.C. schools. The documentary’s most startling revelation is that test scores appear to have been doctored in many schools, showing significant gains in math and English for students. Rhee paid principals, vice principals and teachers tens of thousands of dollars in merit pay for those test scores. Perhaps Rhee hasn’t never heard of Campbell’s Law, which predicts that when huge stakes are attached to quantitative data, the data becomes subject to tampering and manipulation, or of the Vanderbilt University study that found no evidence that merit pay raised student test scores.

Rhee’s new organization, StudentsFirst, has pledged to raise $1 billion in order to overturn teacher tenure, create tax credits for private school vouchers, institute parent trigger laws, and increase merit pay, expensive testing and profitable charter schools. With a wealthy cadre of hedge fund managers, nonprofit foundations, right-wing conservatives and fundamentalist religious groups, she managed to raise $4.6 million in 2010-2011. In return, she spent over $2 million in early 2012 to support candidates, reform groups and state legislation that supports the privatization of public schools.

It’s time to end this teacher-bashing, public school trashing trend. Rhee and her anti-public school cohorts demonize public education, teachers unions and educators. Their simplistic messaging — charters are good and teachers unions are bad — thwarts thoughtful discussions about improving public schools. We need to keep the discussion focused where it should be: on the students and those who know best how to transform public education.

By Susan Ridgeway, Wooster Education Association

Categories

Charter Schools
General
Merit Pay

Supporting Charter School Educators, Not Charter Schools

As a delegate at the 2012 OEA Spring Representative Assembly, I was honored to be part of the official governing body of the OEA, and it was also good to see old friends and debate new ideas.

The delegates made several important decisions this year. We elected a new Secretary Treasurer, Tim Myers of Elida EA. We supported the Voters First Initiative to reform the redistricting process to be fair, open and honest. And we also voted to begin organizing charters.

On my way home to Akron, I spent most of the drive thinking about the latter decision and the debate leading up to it.

One member opposed to the motion stated succinctly, “Can we organize teachers in the very schools we have advocated against?”

The thought had crossed my mind as well. How do we organize teachers who are not held to the same accountability standards as traditional public school teachers? How do we push forward our agenda and ask for equitable funding for both school models when there are such vast differences?

Ultimately, the answer to these questions occurred to me: It won’t be easy, but it can be done.

Charter schools are not going to go away. The National Alliance for Public Charter Schools (NAPCS) announced at the end of last year that the number of students attending public charter schools across the nation has surpassed two million.

So, as long as charters exist, shouldn’t those teachers be licensed and given compensation equitable to their public school counterparts? For the last few years, different groups across the country have begun organizing charter school unions and we can learn from their efforts and mistakes.

And here’s the other thing that may not seem related at first. There are many public officials who are happy to see OEA become smaller, even though it’s caused layoffs caused in turn by massive school budget cuts. Why? Because they want to bust the unions and silence our collective voice. We learned that with SB 5 and Issue 2.

What does that have to do with organizing charter school employees? Because the smaller an organization we become, the less influence we have to help elect responsible legislators who support a positive agenda that puts students at the center of reform, who want to invest in classroom priorities that build the foundation for student learning and who want to ensure that every student has a qualified, caring, committed teacher — in short, elected officials who support reform for our failing charter schools. Organizing charter school educators is both the right thing to do and necessary to us as an organization.

Even if I don’t agree with our state laws governing how our charter schools are run, I am a teacher and a taxpayer. I can’t ignore that teachers need improved working conditions and better pay, and students need innovative learning environments. In the long run, students, teachers, and citizens will benefit from organizing charter schools in Ohio.

By Susan Ridgeway, Wooster Education Association

Categories

Charter Schools
Collective Bargaining
General

Confusion Over State Budget and Race to the Top Funding

While I am relieved that some of the more restrictive provisions about teachers in House Bill 153 (HB 153), the state budget bill, were eliminated upon its passage, I am left to ponder how the state will reconcile the bill’s wording and Race to the Top’s (RttT) requirements so that RttT funds are not sacrificed — particularly if SB 5 is not repealed.

People's Day Parade
People's Day Parade by Susie Lehman

The lack of funding to Ohio schools will be catastrophic, to say the least. Gov. Kasich may divert countless dollars to charter schools, meaning existing public schools will try to offer college programs, high caliber sports programs and a large variety of classes, including advanced placement courses, with scarcer resources. At a time when state legislators have made it clear funding for public schools will decrease by millions in the next few years — as long as Republicans are pulling the purse strings — hundreds of millions of dollars are at stake.

More than 500 Local Education Associations (LEAs) — equal to 1 million school children — have agreed to participate in the RttT’s initiatives, all of them agreeing to Memorandums of Understanding about merit based pay, measures of student growth, and teacher and principal evaluations. Nearly all of Franklin County LEAs who have been awarded RttT funding are on board with the necessary reforms needed to retain those funds.

The Senate wanted to remove from HB 153 language imposing specific teacher evaluations and performance pay outside of the collaborative process that LEAs agreed to in the Memorandums of Understanding. House Speaker William Batchelder called it “crazy” that the language was pulled

As it stands, OEA says the budget language in HB 153 is creating widespread confusion as to what is required to comply with RttT agreements and the new state law. OEA states that HB 153 does not override any Collective Bargaining Agreements in existence.

The State Board of Education (SBE) will have to develop an evaluation framework by December 31, 2011. RttT districts will not be impacted until the 2012-2013 school year. By July 1, 2013 all school districts and Education Service Centers must conform to the SBE framework.

What needs to be worked out is the local districts’ policies so that they align with the state framework and the LEAs’ Memorandums of Understanding. This may not be easy, but the OEA suggests that those RttT districts should continue to work with their districts to iron out problems since new types of evaluations are not imminent.

Interestingly, money and contracts are already being handed out for RttT consultants across the state. Some have dubbed this new legislation as “No Consultant Left Behind.” Implementing change is not cheap and finding specialists who can analyze data so that we can understand the impact of change will not be easy. Slated for statewide impact is $194 million dollars, while $206 million will end up in participating school districts.

Don’t forget that in order to make the changes necessary for the grant, money has to be set aside for travel allowances for teachers, money to pay substitutes to teach while they are away, money to rent space for training venues, the supplies necessary to train the teachers, and stipends and travel expenses for international experts.

As a librarian who writes grants, I understand that they always come with strings attached and the strings with RttT, the changes required, will be costly. It takes time to train teachers and pilot programs. It takes experts to assemble data. Reports will need to be written and analyzed.

Yet somehow our Governor and state legislators seem to think change of this magnitude can be magically made with just a pen and a signature. Or maybe they think our children aren’t worth the $400 million. For the sake of Ohio’s children let’s pray November 8th will have a good outcome. Or else Ohio will not be in the Race to the Top. We will be in a short race to the bottom for the worst schools in America.

Download “Frequently Asked Questions About HB 153 and Evaluations, Performance-based Compensation and Seniority.”

By Susan Ridgeway, Streetsboro Education Association

Categories

Charter Schools
General
Miscellaneous

For Profit Charter School Chains Make Money with Questionable Real Estate and Management Deals

Imagine Schools White Hat Management

Charter schools are once again receiving unwanted scrutiny.  Since its inception over a decade ago, reports of academic failures, management deficiencies and financial improprieties have dogged Ohio’s charter school program.

This time, our attention is drawn to two of the for-profit companies that operate charter school franchises throughout the state.

First, White Hat Management, Ohio’s largest for-profit charter school operator, was recently sued by the governing authorities of ten of its charter schools. Click here to view the complaint.

The lawsuit alleges that White Hat has abused its unfettered control of each of its charter schools by maliciously breaching its fiduciary responsibilities by failing to account for its use of public funds and by using those funds for purposes other than providing for the education of students.

Second, Imagine Schools, Inc., the nation’s largest for-profit operator of charter schools, is the subject of a new study by Policy Matters Ohio.  Report author, Piet Van Lier, paints a picture of a profiteering company that uses questionable leaseback arrangements to further enhance its bottom line at the expense of its students’ educational needs.

The report details how Imagine, through a subsidiary, brokers real estate deals which allow the company to buy a property, then sell it to a real estate investment trust company from which Imagine leases back the property and in turn rents it to an Imagine-run charter school.  This practice enables Imagine to enjoy profits on both the resale of the property and the high rents that it charges to its schools.

The brands offered by White Hat and Imagine have provided little in terms of tangible results – White Hat’s dropout prevention charter schools post a graduation rate of just 14 percent and no Imagine school earned better than a D on the most recent state report card.

Yet, these and other management companies continue to reap a generous bounty from state policies largely sown by White Hat founder, David Brennan.

Mr. Brennan can be credited with the role of the man behind the curtain in shaping the state’s school choice programs.   In addition to generating about three-quarters of a billion dollars in state aid payments for his White Hat enterprise, he has also been wildly successful in securing special protections for White Hat, and other, for-profit operators.

A case-in-point illustration of the fruit of Mr. Brennan’s legislation-influencing labors is a provision under current law that will allow White Hat to fire the lawsuit’s plaintiffs and appoint new, more compliant governing authorities.

The White Hat lawsuit and the Policy Matters’ report have reignited the debate over the appropriateness of allowing for-profit companies to operate charter schools.

However, it is difficult to envision how those who will still argue in support of this marriage of free enterprise and public education can continue to defend the records of White Hat and Imagine.

By Andrew Jewell
Research Development Consultant
Ohio Education Association

Categories

Charter Schools
General